INCREASE SAVINGS
January
2015
By:
Kristen
Berman
of
Irrational
Labs
. OVERVIEW................................................4
THE
PROBLEM………….…………………………….6
RULE
OF
THUMB…………................………....9
MENTAL
ACCOUNTING.………...................13
PRE-â€COMMITMENT.………………………...…..16
OPPORTUNITY
COST
NEGLECT…….…….….17
FAST
FEEDBACK……………...………………..…..19
Table of
Contents
ACHIEVABLE
GOALS……………...……………...21
CHANGE
THE
MINDSET……………...…….…..24
PUT
FRICTION
IN
THE
RIGHT
PLACES……..26
CONCLUSION………………………………...……..28
WORKS
CITED…………………………….....……..30
2
.
METLIFE
FOUNDATION
Since
its
founding
in
1976,
MetLife
Foundation
has
provided
more
than
$530
million
in
grants
and
$100
million
in
program-â€related
investments
to
nonprofit
organizations.
The
MetLife
Foundation
believes
that
affordable,
accessible
and
well-â€designed
financial
services
can
transform
the
lives
of
those
in
need,
and
have
committed
$200
million
over
the
next
five
years
to
advancing
this
effort
around
the
world.
The
foundation
has
built
its
vision
for
global
financial
inclusion
on
three
powerful
pillars:
Access
and
Knowledge,
Access
to
Services
and
Access
to
Insights.
IRRATIONALLABS
IRRATIONALLABS
Led
by
famed
behavioral
economist
Dr.
Dr.
Dan
Ariely
and
Led
by
famed
behavioral
economist
Dan
Ariely
and
founder
Kristen
Berman,
Irrational
Labs
is
a
is
a
nonprofit
that
founder
Kristen
Berman,
Irrational
Labs
nonprofit
that
applies
behavioral
economics
findings
to
findings
marketing,
applies
behavioral
economics
product,
to
product,
and
marketing,
and
organizational
design
problems.
By
organizational
design
problems.
By
understanding
human
decision
making
and
motivations,
Irrational
Lmotivations,
understanding
human
decision
making
and
abs
help
companies
create
compelling
value
propositions,
grow
their
Irrational
Labs
help
companies
create
compelling
value
customer
base
and
grow
ttheir
ccustomer
engaged.
keep
those
propositions,
keep
hose
ustomers
base
and
customers
engaged.
3
. I.
OVERVIEW…..….........…
A
group
of
researchers
studied
the
effects
of
peer
pressure
and
self-â€help
groups
on
savings
behavior
and
found
that
it
was
effective
at
helping
individuals
save
money.
1
The
experiments
were
conducted
in
Chile
with
low-â€income
micro-â€
entrepreneurs
who
earned
an
average
of
84,188
pesos
(175
USD)
per
month.
Sixty-â€
eight
percent
of
participants
did
not
have
a
savings
account
prior
to
the
study
and
were
required
to
sign
up
for
an
account
based
on
the
savings
group
they
were
assigned
to:
1. Savings
group
1
-â€
a
basic
savings
account
with
an
interest
rate
of
0.3%.
2. Savings
group
2
-â€
a
basic
savings
account
with
an
interest
rate
of
0.3%.
The
participants
were
also
part
of
a
self-â€help
peer
group,
where
they
could
voluntarily
announce
their
savings
goals
and
monitor
their
progress
on
a
weekly
basis.
3. Savings
group
3
-â€
a
high
interest
rate
account
with
a
rate
of
5%
(the
best
available
rate
in
Chile).
The
study
found
that
participants
that
were
part
of
the
self
help
peer
group
(savings
group
2)
deposited
3.5
times
more
than
others
and
their
average
savings
balance
was
almost
double
of
those
who
held
a
basic
savings
account.
The
high
interest
rate
had
a
very
little
effect
on
most
participants.
To
further
understand
why
self-â€help
peer
groups
work,
a
second
study
was
con-â€
ducted
a
year
later.
The
participants
were
divided
into
two
groups.
One
group
received
text
messages
that
notified
participants
of
their
progress
and
the
progress
of
other
participants.
They
were
assigned
a
savings
buddy
with
whom
they
would
meet
on
a
regular
basis
and
who
would
hold
them
accountable
to
their
savings
goals.
1
2
Mast,
Meier,
Pomeranz,
2012.
http://www.nber.org/papers/w18417.pdf
http://www.dartmouth.edu/~alusardi/Papers/American_Life_Panel.pdf
4
.
The
other
group
only
received
text
messages
that
notified
participants
of
their
progress
and
the
progress
of
other
participants.
The
results
of
the
second
experiment
found
that
having
a
savings
buddy
made
very
little
difference
and
that
receiving
text
messages
was
just
as
effective.
As
noted
by
the
researchers,
having
peer
groups
was
an
effective
commitment
device
to
achieving
savings
goals
but
meeting
in-â€person
was
not
necessary.
Receiving
text
messages
indicating
their
progress
and
the
progress
of
the
peers
was
just
as
effective.
Small
changes,
big
effects
As
this
example
shows,
and
many
other
academics
and
banks
have
proven,
small
changes
to
the
design
of
a
savings
scheme
can
have
big
effects
on
participation
rates.
In
the
case
above,
a
simple
SMS
message
that
reported
and
reminded
them
how
they
were
doing
and
how
their
peers
were
doing
was
enough
to
increase
savings.
Below
we
summarize
some
of
the
main
principles
that
should
be
used
when
designing
a
savings
account,
and
in
particular,
many
of
our
examples
will
be
about
designing
an
emergency
savings
fund.
An
emergency
savings
fund
is
the
first
step
in
savings
and
something
many
low-â€income
people
(and
people
with
low
financial
literacy)
are
lacking.
These
principles
and
the
approach
can
be
used
by
Fin-â€tech
companies
to
encourage
good
financial
behaviors,
policy
makers
to
inform
policy
decisions
and
banks
to
increase
the
financial
well-â€being
of
their
customers.
5
. II.
THE PROBLEM.………
Financial
health
in
the
US
is
at
an
all-â€time
low.
Almost
half
of
all
households
have
less
than
three
months
worth
of
savings,
and
less
than
30%
feel
confident
they
will
have
enough
money
to
cover
their
basic
living
expenses
(Helman
2014).
Unfortunately,
the
current
approach
to
solving
our
financial
health
problems
in
America
is
not
working.
In
order
to
address
this
massive
and
growing
problem,
we
need
to
take
a
different
approach,
a
behavioral
one.
Until
recently,
the
primary
approach
to
fix
financial
health
has
been
to
improve
financial
literacy.
Lusardi
and
Mitchell
(2007)2
and
Lusardi
and
Tufano
(2009),
found
incredibly
low
levels
of
financial
literacy
in
the
US
population
–
this
includes
the
inability
to
understand
basic
concepts
such
as
the
importance
of
retirement
savings,
and
poor
judgment
in
borrowing-â€decisions.
Given
this
information,
solution
designers
hypothesized
that
if
we
could
only
teach
people
the
right
things
to
do
with
their
money,
they
would
be
more
responsible
with
it.
And,
thus
the
US
spent
$670
million
in
financial
education
training
programs
(Consumer
Financial
Protection
Bureau
2013).
However,
time
and
again,
academic
experiments
have
proven
that
information
alone
does
not
sufficiently
motivate
positive
decision-â€making
(Fernandes
et
al
2014)3.
Most
Americans
know
that
they
should
quickly
pay
down
debt,
put
more
money
toward
emergency
and
retirement
savings,
and
spend
less
on
unnecessary
items.
However,
psychologists
have
demonstrated
that
cognitive
hurdles
such
as
a
lack
of
self-â€control,
hyperbolic-â€discounting
and
general
optimism-â€bias,
prevent
this.
Instead,
if
we
have
money
readily
available
we
find
it
hard
to
make
decisions
that
positively
impact
our
future.
(Benhabib,
Bisin,
Schotter,
2009)4
2
http://www.dartmouth.edu/~alusardi/Papers/American_Life_Panel.pdf
http://pubsonline.informs.org/doi/abs/10.1287/mnsc.2013.1849
4
http://www.nyu.edu/econ/user/bisina/GEB%20BBS.pdf
3
6
.
7
. A
BEHAVIORALLY
LED
APPROACH
to
increase
savings
will
fundamentally
look
at
ways
to
make
money
feel
less
available
by:
• Making
it
easier
to
save
by
intervening
at
the
point
of
decision
(e.g.,
automating
a
savings
deduction
from
paycheck)
• Increasing
general
motivation
to
save
through
reward
substitution
and
incentive
design
(e.g.,
creating
a
lottery
type
system
associated
with
saving
deposits)
• Changing
a
person’s
mindset
about
savings
and
what
it
means
to
them.
(E.g.,
personally
identifying
as
the
kind
of
mom
who
prepares
for
their
child’s
college
tuition)
8
. III.
RULE OF THUMB…………
People
make
a
tremendous
number
of
decisions
that
involve
money
every
day.
We
decide
whether
we
should
buy
coffee,
take
public
transportation,
if
we
should
get
the
soup
or
the
steak
sandwich.
However,
the
reality
is
that
financial
decisions
are
incredibly
complex.
Consider,
for
example,
the
simple
case
of
a
buying
a
cup
of
coffee
for
$4.
To
carry
out
this
decision
properly,
we
need
to
think
about
not
only
the
pleasure
that
we
will
get
from
the
cup
of
coffee
but
also
the
opportunity
cost
—
what
we
will
give
up
for
the
pleasure
of
the
coffee.
Only
if
the
expected
pleasure
of
the
coffee
is
larger
than
the
opportunity-â€cost
should
we
spend
the
money.
This
could
be
an
incredibly
hard
decision.
So
how
do
we
make
these
seemingly
simple,
but
ultimately
very
complex
decisions?
Sometimes
we
don’t.
For
example,
instead
of
imagining
all
the
ways
we
could
substitute
a
coffee
with
something
cheaper
or
the
ways
in
which
we
could
use
$4
that
would
provide
more
utility,
we
buy
the
coffee.
We
generally
don’t
consider
the
short-â€term
utility
of
the
purchase,
relative
to
the
long-â€term
utility
of
saving
the
money
or
spending
it
differently.
Instead,
we
simply
repeat
our
past
behavior.
9
. WHAT
SHOULD
WE
BE
DOING?
One
solution
is
to
educate
people
more
on
how
to
make
these
complex
tradeoffs
at
the
point
of
decision.
But
this
sounds
tiring.
If
we
weighed
the
cost
and
benefits
of
everything,
all
the
time,
our
lives
would
be
stressful
and
busy.
Besides
just
remembering
how
to
do
this
-â€
which
is
difficult
in
itself
-â€
imagine
the
poor
coffee
buyer
who
would
have
to
pull
out
a
notepad
before
purchasing
his
cup
of
coffee.
Now
imagine
this
process
for
a
much
more
complex
financial
decision,
like
how
much
to
save
for
retirement.
In
order
to
calculate
an
optimal
personal
savings
rate,
we
have
to
make
assumptions
on
very
uncertain
outcomes,
like
future
rates
of
return,
income
flows,
retirement
plans,
and
health
care
needs.
People
do
not
do
this.
In
a
survey
of
faculty
and
staff
at
the
University
of
Southern
California,
58
percent
spent
less
than
one
hour
determining
their
contribution
rate
and
investment
elections
in
a
retirement
account
(Benartzi
and
Thaler
1999)5.
So
how
do
we
make
these
financial
decisions?
The
results
from
multiple
experiments
show
that
people
rely
on
simplified
rules
of
thumb
—
heuristics
—
to
help
us
solve
these
complex
problems.
5
http://wolfweb.unr.edu/homepage/pingle/Teaching/BADM%20791/Week%209%20Behavioral%20Microeconomic
s/Benartzi-â€Thaler%20Biased%20Savings%20Behavior.pdf
10
.
For
example,
Ideas
42
ran
a
test
on
teaching
a
financial
curriculum
to
two
groups
of
people.
One
was
a
standard
literacy
curriculum.
And
one
was
based
on
strong
rules-â€of-â€thumb.
The
rules-â€of-â€thumb
training
increased
the
fraction
of
people
keeping
accounts
and
those
separating
household
and
business
finances
by
11
percentage
points
each.
It
also
raised
sales
during
bad
weeks
by
18.5%
relative
to
the
comparison
group
(Ideas42
n.d.).6
Below
are
four
proven
rules
of
thumb
we
should
consider
as
we
design
a
retirement
savings
program,
application
or
experience
(Benartzi
Thaler
2007).
• SAVING
THE
MAX:
When
there
was
a
max
set
at
16%
contribution,
21
percent
of
new
hires
deferred
16
percent
of
their
income.
After
moving
the
max
to
100%,
5
percent
deferred
16
percent
and
7
percent
deferred
6
http://www.ideas42.org/financial-â€heuristics/
11
. more
than
16
percent.
Thus,
the
share
of
employees
saving
at
least
16
percent
decreased
from
21
to
12
percent
(Benartzi
Thaler
2007).
• SAVING
THE
MIN
TO
GET
THE
MATCH:
Common
rule
of
thumb
is
to
contribute
to
a
retirement
account
the
minimum
necessary
to
get
the
full
employer
match.
For
example,
if
the
employer
matches
employees’
contributions
up
to
6
percent
of
pay,
then
many
employees
contribute
6
percent
(Benartzi
Thaler
2007).
• SAVING
IN
MULTIPLES
OF
FIVE:
Hewitt
Associates
found
that
the
distribution
of
contribution
rates
spikes
at
multiples
of
five
percent,
even
though
there
were
no
specific
thresholds
of
either
five
or
10
(Benartzi
Thaler
2007).
• SAVINGS
USING
THE
1/N
RULE:
We
divide
evenly,
when
possible.
Imagine
having
a
sum
($100)
and
you
can
put
however
much
money
you
want
into
N
number
of
buckets.
If
you
have
four
buckets
(n=4),
65%
of
the
people
use
the
1/nth
rule.
But,
if
you
have
three
(n=3)
to
divide
$100,
1/n
rule
is
only
used
by
18
percent
of
the
participants
(Benartzi
Thaler
2007).
12
.
IV.
MENTAL ACCOUNTING….
We
mentally
assign
money
to
different
categories
of
spending.
And
while
this
is
just
a
mental
exercise
and
nothing
is
actually
different
about
the
money,
we
spend
money
according
to
these
categories.
In
addition,
money
that
we
haven’t
assigned,
feels
different
than
money
we
have
assigned
(Thaler
1985).
If
you
were
to
get
a
refund
or
‘money
back’
from
a
clothing
merchant,
would
you
use
this
money
for
rent
or
would
you
use
this
money
to
spend
in
the
same
category
(clothing)
where
the
money
was
returned
from?
Most
people
would
be
more
willing
to
use
this
money
towards
clothing.
Within
banking,
how
we
manage
our
money
between
checking,
savings,
loan
and
bill
accounts
displays
our
affinity
for
mental
accounting.
Why
do
we
leave
money
in
a
checking
account
and
also
have
high
interest
loans?
This
is
not
the
optimal
or
rational
decision
for
us.
However,
doing
something
different,
like
paying
off
all
high
interest
loans
and
having
very
little
money
in
checking,
may
feel
more
irresponsible.
In
both
of
these
cases,
people
are
relating
to
money
like
it
is
not
fungible.
Once
it
is
tagged
for
something,
we
view
it
as
difficult
to
use
it
for
another
purpose.
And,
if
it
is
not
tagged
for
something,
we
consider
it
open
hunting
season
and
are
more
willing
to
spend
it
freely.
There
are
two
different
solutions
we
could
use
to
deal
with
our
tendencies
around
mental
accounting.
First,
we
could
try
to
create
something
with
perfect
fungibility.
In
this
case,
we
would
ask
people
to
think
about
all
the
ways
they
could
use
the
money
before
they
spent
it,
so
as
to
not
pigeon-â€hole
themselves
into
one
category.
The
other
solution
is
to
harness
our
tendency
to
do
mental
accounting
and
optimize
decision-â€making
within
this
tendency.
The
behavioral
economics
approach
leans
toward
the
latter
solution.
13
.
HOW
WOULD
WE
DO
THIS?
To
increase
general
financial
outcomes
using
mental
accounting,
a
bank
would
want
to
create
multiple
spending
and
multiple
savings
accounts
with
different
names.
As
soon
as
someone
opened
a
checking
or
savings
accounts,
they
may
opt
into
having
additional
‘fake-â€accounts’
opened
for
them.
These
would
have
names
ranging
from
“Rainy
Day
Fund’
to
‘Retirement
Fund’
to
‘Kids
College’.
It
may
not
even
matter
if
these
were
actual
new
banking
accounts.
The
main
criteria
is
that
the
user
thinks
they
are
different
buckets.
The
visual
display
would
represent
this
mental
accounting
and
each
new
account
would
have
running
balances
and
goals.
SmartyPig
does
something
similar
to
this
with
their
goal
interface,
below.
WHAT
WOULD
THIS
LOOK
LIKE
AT
A
BANK?
Imagine
that
each
bank
creates
an
“Emergency
Fund”
account
within
a
user’s
checking
or
savings
account.
Anything
that
is
put
into
the
“Emergency
Fund”
is
visibly
hidden
from
checking
account
balance.
This
emergency
fund
is
treated
like
a
new
account
in
the
user’s
eyes.
14
. To
view
what
an
end
to
end
experience
could
look
like
for
a
bank’s
interface,
please
download
the
full
visual
mock
ups
on
irrationallabs.org.
15
. V. PRE-COMMITMENT…….
Getting
people
to
pre-â€commit
to
a
goal
can
help
with
self-â€control.
In
one
study,
students
were
given
the
opportunity
to
create
their
own
deadlines
for
coursework.
The
students
could
pre-â€commit
to
deadlines:
“I
want
to
turn
my
papers
in
at
different
points
during
the
semester”.
Or,
students
could
choose
to
turn
in
all
of
their
coursework
at
the
end
of
the
semester.
The
students
who
choose
to
set
deadlines
for
themselves
received
higher
grades.
Why?
It
seems
they
recognized
they
might
procrastinate.
By
making
this
pre-â€
commitment
at
the
start,
they
were
able
to
spread
work
out
and
avoid
the
impulsive
(and
tempting)
distractions
that
may
have
plagued
the
other
students.
(Ariely,
Wertenbroch,
2002)7
Pre-â€commitment
is
a
tool
to
help
people
follow
through
on
decisions.
One
does
this
by
making
a
decision
on
behalf
of
their
future
self.
Instead
of
relying
on
ourselves
to
be
great
people,
we
make
it
harder
for
our
future
self
to
mess
up.
In
this
case,
one
could
pre-â€commit
to
re-â€occurring
transfers,
increasing
transfer
amounts
over
time
or
answering
questions
before
withdrawing
from
their
savings.
These
commitments
would
be
made
at
the
start
and
be
thoughtful
and
rational
decisions.
Like
the
students
who
set
their
own
deadlines,
this
may
help
people
avoid
temptation
when
it
hits.
7
http://dl1.cuni.cz/pluginfile.php/95343/mod_resource/content/0/Ariely_2002_procrastination.pdf
16
. VI. OPPORTUNITY COST
NEGLECT……
“Thinking
of
money
in
the
right
way
is
thinking
of
opportunity
costs
in
the
right
way,
which
is
impossible,”
Dan
Ariely
said.
Instead
Ariely
said
humans
think
of
money
in
relative
terms.
Given
this,
how
could
we
present
the
decision
to
improve
your
financial
situation
in
relative
terms?
(Ariely,
2007)8
Let’s
just
look
at
the
actual
moment
when
someone
decides
to
save
or
not.
We
have
three
choices.
• We
can
do
‘opt
out’
and
default
them
into
the
plan.
The
default
is
to
take
no
action
and
join
the
plan.
• We
can
do
‘opt
in’
and
let
them
decide.
The
default
is
to
take
no
action
and
not
join
the
plan.
• We
can
present
the
choice
as
an
‘active
choice’
and
they
must
choose
one
or
the
other.
There
is
no
set
default.
In
the
context
of
savings
or
other
big
decisions,
many
times
it
is
not
possible
to
design
an
‘opt
out’
experience
due
to
legal
reasons,
even
though
research
proves
it
will
result
in
the
highest
amount
of
savings.
In
these
cases,
we
can
present
the
opportunity
cost
of
not
saving
by
using
the
‘active
choice’
approach.
We
can
ask
the
users
to
view
the
decisions
in
a
relative
manner
and
actively
consider
the
alternatives.
For
example,
in
one
study
workers
at
a
certain
company
were
asked
to
make
an
active
decision
whether
or
not
to
join
their
savings
plan.
Employees
were
forced
to
check
a
“yes”
or
a
“no”
box
for
participation
in
this
plan.
In
this
study,
participation
rates
increased
by
about
28
percentage
points
compared
to
8
http://danariely.com/the-â€books/excerpted-â€from-â€chapter-â€1-â€%E2%80%93-â€the-â€truth-â€about-â€relativity-â€2/
17
. standard
opt-â€in
enrollment
procedures.
The
ability
to
understand
and
use
numbers
is
key
to
making
good
financial
decisions
(Choi
et
al
2005).
BELOW
ARE
THREE
IDEAS
FOR
‘CALLS
TO
ACTION’
WITHIN
AN
APPLICATION
EXPERIENCE.
Bank
interface
“Yes,
activate
my
emergency
fund”
or
“No,
I
don’t
want
to
claim
my
Emergency
Fund
at
this
time”
Insurance
companies
“Insure
against
emergencies”
or
“Take
my
chances”
18
. VII. FAST FEEDBACK…………..
If
you
binge
on
pizza
and
soda
and
then
1
week
later
gain
a
pound,
it
would
be
very
difficult
to
track
the
pound
back
to
your
pizza
and
soda
binge.
This
is
the
case
for
most
behaviors.
If
we
do
a
new
behavior,
like
junk
food
binging,
and
the
reward
(or
in
this
case
punishment)
for
the
behavior
is
delayed
at
all,
it
is
very
difficult
to
learn
from
your
actions.
Imagine
a
world
where
you
took
all
of
your
tests
throughout
the
school
year,
but
only
got
the
grades
for
them
at
the
end.
How
likely
is
it
that
your
study
methods
would
improve?
Unlikely.
There
would
be
no
feedback
after
a
test
indicating
that
your
studying
methods
worked
or
did
not
work.
How
should
we
apply
this
insight
to
savings?
If
we
only
reward
or
acknowledge
a
user
when
they
hit
a
large
milestone,
we
are
delaying
feedback
in
a
way
that
makes
it
difficult
to
learn.
So
while
our
savers
could
easily
look
down
at
their
bank
accounts
to
monitor
progress,
our
strategy
must
frequently
acknowledge
the
user’s
progress
after
they
do
something
positive
and
create
optimal
reinforcement.
Below
is
an
example
of
how
a
behaviorist
would
approach
showing
progress
on
an
emergency
savings
goal.
19
.
Another
example
of
“fast
feedback”
can
be
found
from
Quicken
Loans.
Every
time
a
user
does
something
(uploads
or
signs
documents)
they
get
a
super
cheerful
email
telling
them
that
they
are
great
for
doing
it,
and
hooraying
the
fact
that
they
are
one
step
closer
to
closing
on
the
loan.
20
. VIII. ACHIEVABLE GOALS ……..
IF
WE
SET
TOO
HIGH
OF
GOALS
THERE
IS
THE
CHANCE
THAT
PEOPLE
WILL
OPT
OUT
David
Liabson
showed
that
peer
information
can
generate
an
oppositional
reaction
than
expected.
He
asked
people
to
enroll
or
increase
their
contribution
to
their
401k
savings
plan
by
showing
them
what
their
peers
were
doing.
Interestingly,
this
did
little
to
change
behavior.
The
hypothesis?
When
a
savings
goal
feels
too
out
of
reach,
low-â€saving
individuals
may
shift
away
from
the
peer-â€norm
and
decrease
their
savings
relative
to
a
control
group
(Beshears
et
al
2011).
Translation:
When
peer
behavior
is
outside
of
an
attainable
realm
individuals
can
become
discouraged
and
less
likely
to
follow
the
norm
–
i.e.
increase
their
savings
rates.
IF
WE
SET
TOO
LOW
OF
GOALS
OR
DEFAULTS,
PEOPLE
MAY
ANCHOR
TO
THEM
WITHOUT
EVER
INCREASING
Madrian
and
Shea
(2001)
found
that
many
employees
who
were
set
at
default
rates
of
savings
of
2%
actually
continue
saving
at
the
default
rate
of
2%.
This
rate
is
obviously
far
too
low
to
provide
sufficient
funding
for
retirement.
However,
our
affinity
for
the
status
quo,
once
default
is
set,
is
very
hard
to
change.
This
means
that
savings
programs
may
actually
have
the
opposite
affect
than
intended.
21
. EXAMPLE:
APPLYING
THIS
TO
EMERGENCY
FUND
SET
UP
When
a
product
or
application
is
helping
a
user
set
up
and
maintain
an
emergency
fund,
how
should
the
contribution
amount
be
determined?
Below
are
three
things
to
consider
when
setting
savings
anchors:
• CHOICE
ARCHITECTURE:
Contribution
rates
should
be
different
for
different
customers,
depending
the
current
amount
the
customer
has
in
the
bank,
their
ability
and
desire
to
grow
a
rainy
day
fund
quickly
or
over
time.
The
customer
must
not
choose
this
amount,
it
should
be
recommended
to
them.
• PERIODICITY:
How
frequently
should
a
saver
transfer
money
to
savings?
The
question
of
weekly
vs
monthly
should
be
driven
by
when
the
customer
has
an
inflow
of
money.
If
they
have
an
inflow
of
money
(get
paid)
on
a
weekly
basis,
we
can
create
a
weekly
pull
into
the
emergency
fund.
If
it
is
monthly,
we
should
recommend
only
monthly
pulls
into
the
fund.
• COMMIT:
Customers
should
actively
commit
and
accept
the
savings
decision.
If
they
do
not,
they
may
not
internalize
the
decision
and
be
more
willing
to
make
changes
when
short
term
needs
arise.
22
.
WHAT
DO
WE
DO
WITH
THIS
INFORMATION?
Everything
is
testable.
Developing
A/B
tests
will
help
financial
companies
and
financial
institutions
help
their
clients
become
better
savers,
better
borrowers
–
and
still
be
good
customers
for
the
financial
institution.
“Anchors”
can
be
set
for
an
A
group,
and
differently
for
a
B
group
–
then
the
institution
watches
what
happens.
Do
you
prompt
someone
to
save
5%,
10%,
15%
of
their
monthly
income?
How
do
you
respond
to
good
behavior?
An
application
interface,
bank
teller
(or
an
ATM
machine)
may
be
prompted
to
congratulate
a
certain
group
of
clients
on
maintaining
their
commitment
to
savings;
while
another
group
does
not
receive
this
encouragement.
23
. IX.
CHANGE THE MINDSET….
The
Duke
Center
for
Advanced
Hindsight,
led
by
Dan
Ariely
and
in
partnership
with
the
Gates
foundation,
ran
a
study
this
year
in
Kumor,
South
Africa
to
get
people
to
save.
(Akbas,
Ariely,
Robalino,
Weber,
2014)9
The
study
was
designed
for
people
in
extreme
poverty.
The
team
tested
many
different
hypotheses
on
what
would
increase
general
savings
within
families.
The
experiment
conditions
included:
• MONETARY
INCENTIVES.
It
provided
small
(10%)
and
large
(40%)
savings
matches
in
hopes
that
people
would
be
motivated
by
the
savings
matches
enough
to
become
active
savers.
• TRIGGERS.
SMS
reminders
were
sent
on
a
weekly
basis.
The
idea
with
reminders
is
that
it
is
not
that
people
don’t
want
to
save
or
cannot
save,
it
is
that
they
forget
to
save
on
a
regular
basis.
• ACCOUNTABILITY.
SMS
messages
were
sent
from
the
saver’s
children.
This
personalized
message
was
aiming
to
provide
a
deep
sense
of
accountability.
• IDENTITY.
The
Saver
was
given
a
cheap
(fake)
gold-â€colored
coin.
The
people
in
this
condition
were
instructed
to
put
this
cheap
(fake)
gold
colored
coin
somewhere
special,
like
a
jewelry
box.
They
were
also
asked
to
scratch
off
a
tic
mark
(which
was
on
the
coin)
every
time
they
saved.
The
coin
had
a
set
number
of
tic
marks
on
it
that
the
Saver
could
easily
scratch
off.
9
http://sites.duke.edu/merveakbas/files/2014/08/How-â€to-â€help-â€the-â€poor-â€.pdf
24
. The
winning
intervention
creating
the
biggest
savers
was
a
surprise,
even
to
the
team
of
researchers.
The
gold-â€colored
coin
beat
all
the
other
conditions.
How
did
this
happen?
How
did
a
fake
coin
beat
out
a
savings
match
to
increase
savings
rates?
At
this
point,
the
researchers
have
multiple
hypotheses
as
to
the
root
cause.
A
very
plausible
one,
which
we
put
forth
here,
is
that
the
coin
created
a
mindset
change
in
the
family.
This
physical
object
was
a
conversation
starter
around
savings.
Savings
now
had
a
constant
place
within
the
family
and
instilled
a
saving
identity.
The
researchers
believe
that
the
coin
helped
people
identify
as
people
who
save
money
and
consequently,
they
think,
increase
their
overall
savings.
In
the
US
banking
world
we
can
seek
to
achieve
a
similar
mindset
shift.
Some
ideas
to
encourage
this
mindset
shift:
• Create
a
Banking
PLUS
membership.
This
is
an
elite
membership
to
the
bank
that
everyone
is
given
upon
signing
up,
but
to
maintain
must
contribute
a
minimum
amount
to
their
savings
every
month.
Instead
of
monetary
benefits
to
membership,
the
user’s
debit
cards
are
branded
and
their
ATM
screen
is
branded
with
PLUS.
• In
the
progress
meter
online,
give
people
‘badges’
who
have
activated
an
emergency
fund.
These
badges
will
help
create
an
identity
of
being
a
saver.
If
someone
has
not
activated
this
emergency
fund,
the
progress
bar
will
be
obviously
incomplete
and
the
badge
will
be
noticeably
missing.
On
the
flip-â€side,
if
someone
does
activate
the
emergency
fund,
they
will
become
a
saver
and
the
progress
meter
and
badges
will
be
constant
in
their
account
view.
25
. X. PUT FRICTION IN THE
RIGHT PLACES…………...
WHY
DO
PEOPLE
SAVE?
One
may
think
that
the
savers
have
a
strong
preference
for
the
future,
or
that
they
are
more
conservative
with
risk.
This
may
be
true
sometimes.
However,
experiments
have
found
that
a
better
indictor
for
likelihood
to
save
is
the
friction
required
to
complete
a
savings
action.
One
extreme
example
of
reluctance
to
join
an
attractive
retirement
plan
comes
from
the
United
Kingdom.
(Benartzi,
Thaler
2007)
Some
defined
benefit
plans
in
the
UK
do
not
require
any
employee
contributions
and
are
fully
paid
for
by
the
employer.
However,
to
join,
an
employee
must
take
some
action.
So
how
many
join
these
seemingly
magical
plans?
Only
half.
Half
of
employees
signed
up,
even
though
there
was
nothing
but
upside
for
them.
Why?
One
can
only
guess
it
takes
too
much
work.
In
another
case,
when
automatic
enrollment
was
adopted,
enrollment
of
new
employees
jumped
to
90
percent
immediately
–
from
a
low
20
percent.
Automatic
enrollment
has
two
effects:
participants
join
sooner,
and
more
participants
join
eventually.
Given
these
examples,
we
want
to
make
it
frictionless
to
create
a
savings
plan.
However
in
the
current
paradigm,
all
products
and
applications
have
the
concept
of
‘creating
an
account’.
In
the
banking
world,
you
are
asked
to
‘open
an
account.’
To
the
person
who
doesn’t
like
to
put
in
ANY
effort,
‘opening
an
account’
feels
like
a
lot
of
effort!
For
products
and
services
that
are
trying
to
get
people
to
set
up
accounts,
we
recommend
avoiding
the
concept
of
‘opening’
an
26
. account.
Instead,
we
can
use
the
word,
‘Activate’
to
signal
that
the
person
already
has
the
account
and
they
just
need
to
(easily)
turn
it
on.
But,
on
the
reverse
side,
adding
friction
is
a
good
thing
when
it
prevents
a
behavior
that
we
don’t
want.
For
example,
how
do
you
prevent
people
from
taking
money
out
of
their
savings
plan?
In
this
case,
we
do
want
to
add
friction.
See
below
for
the
type
of
questions
we
can
add
before
the
user
is
able
to
take
out
their
savings.
This
increased
the
amount
of
effort
needed
to
perform
the
desired
action
and
thereby
may
decrease
the
number
of
people
who
take
this
action
out
of
impulse.
27
.
XI.
DISCUSSION.....…………...
These
are
complex
decisions.
Should
we
just
let
users
decide
how
much
to
save
by
themselves
and
not
interfere
with
the
decision
making
process
at
all?
Benartzi
and
Thaler
tested
this
question
in
a
clever
manner.
They
decided
to
study
the
very
people
who
actively
chose
to
opt
out
of
a
professionally-â€made
investment
plan
in
favor
of
creating
their
own
custom
investment
plan.
To
study
these
people,
they
asked
them
to
rate
the
returns
of
both
plans
-â€
theirs
and
the
professionally-â€designed
plan.
The
question:
After
seeing
the
returns,
which
one
do
you
like
more?
Self-â€constructed
portfolios
received
the
lowest
average
rating,
2.75,
and
the
professionally-â€managed
portfolios
received
the
significantly
higher
mean-â€
rating
of
3.50.
This
gives
us
an
indication
that
even
the
people
who
have
the
initial
desire
to
control
their
retirement
liked
their
portfolio
less
than
the
professionally
managed
portfolio
plan
and
they
agree
that
they
can
benefit
from
additional
help.
This
brings
out
a
bigger
point
to
our
discussion.
If
we
let
people
do
as
they
please
with
their
finances,
we
should
not
be
surprised
if
they
fail.
The
idea
of
letting
people
make
decisions
without
any
help
is
proven
to
be
misguided.
The
evidence,
time
and
again,
proves
that
this
is
stressful
for
the
consumer
and
is
very
likely
to
put
them
in
an
objectively
worse
financial
situation.
28
. TO
DRIVE
THE
SUCCESS
OF
A
SAVINGS
PLATFORM,
WE
ENCOURAGE
PRODUCT
DESIGNERS
AND
FINANCIAL
LEADERS
TO
CREATE:
1)
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
8)
Rules
of
thumb
Mental
Accounting
Pre
–
Commitment
Clear
Opportunity
Costs
Fast
Feedback
Achievable
Goals
Mindset
Changes
Friction
in
the
right
places
29
. XII.
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31
.